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Tihomir Stoychev
Globalization and organized crime
Born in 1953 in Sofia. Graduated from Veliko Turnovo University 'St.St. Cyril and Methodius', specialty 'History'. 1988 - 1997 - worked in the structures of the Ministry of Interior at different leading positions. Former Director of the Central Office for Combat with Organized Crime -Ministry of Interior.
The term 'organized crime' became familiar to our society only after 1989. Till then the issues of crime were treated mainly by the specialized organs of the Ministry of Interior system and the jurisdiction. The Criminal Code used to introduce a differentiated approach to the various types of crime. The perpetrators of the so called economic crimes were specified as more serious as consequences and of higher degree of qualification and public risk. They were usually of high educational level and used to take as a rule high economic and administrative positions.
This contingency was watched over and developed with particular attention by the operative departments of the Peoples' Militia and State Security. The reports sounded optimistic - preventing damages for millions of BGN, restored damages for millions of BGN, secured damages for millions of BGN.
Years had to pass in order to understand that the results had not been so optimistic, and even less realistic. The criminal crime had been restricted in bearable dimensions. The potential and already registered or convicted persons were made known and were under constant observation and control not only by the specialized organs but also by public. By means of the texts under Art. 39, 40 and 40A from the Peoples' Militia Act, which used to specify the enforcement of preventive administrative measures against the recurrent contingency, some of them were also isolated from society for different periods of time. Still in childhood 'those in danger or committed violation in a criminal and moral aspect, were made known not only before the organs of the Peoples' Militia, but also before the public. The inspectors from the children pedagogical offices and the district inspectors used to take care of them, their addresses and 'gathering places' were observed by Voluntary Groups, the parents or their patrons were also under the constant effect of various organs and specialized commissions. These measures did not always lead to the re-education of the objects of this effect, but also did not permit them the possibility to disappear without problems into the darkness of the anonymity still in the following crossing.
Even when changing the residence address, the place of employment or the school, the efficiency of the system used to guarantee a lasting observation at the new location and conduct of the same complex of measures.
The public economic and political changes initiated after 1989 have weakened to a great extent the state public system of control and counteraction of the crime.
The solid number of political formations brought to life after a long assistance in childbirth have freed themselves fast from the stiffness and have started a costly exercises upon the state and the society.
First were affected the services mentioned above. Along with the mass firings, an appointment of unqualified, but party approved cadres of proved loyalty started. Under these conditions crime started to grow permanently, as well as the number and the qualification of the contingency of the perpetrators.
The crimes became more courageous and serious. The small thefts and cheatings gave place step by step to the plunders, rapes and other crimes, directed towards the personality. The number of encroachments against the state property has increased.
The known and controlled up to now 'gathering places' of the contingency with the complete arsenal of measures as for instance the famous in Sofia motels 'Bozhur' and 'Tsurna matsa', 'Magura', 'Medovini', and etc. have turned into white pages for the MHA. There for the first time the state has marked its absence The reasons may be complex ones. But there are guilty ones and they have to be pointed out!
First, there were the chaotic, not putting it in other words, not well defined legislative initiatives. Many acts were decriminalized. The contingency has felt itself free. Democratic appeals appeared - 'Down with this or that', 'The communists and the cops to Siberia!' 'The Ministry of Interior is guilty for the renaming process….. and for everything!', 'EVERYTHING IS ALLOWED IF NOT FORBIDDEN BY LAW!'.
That was a good excuse for some people. Those endangered by an arrest or a prison in our country have looked for safety and a possibility to start new life in other countries. Thus the first compact masses of Bulgarians, that went to Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Germany, etc., were not those wishing to study or work, but the ones who were hiding from the Bulgarian justice and committing new crimes in an anonymous environment. 'The Lizard', which some would later on appeal to cut its tail or to let 'mosquitoes' to get frightened, was born and was growing up. And there was no one to stop it.
We spoke about our services so far. It was still more serious in the other countries. They had their problem in Germany - they took back their Eastern provinces and they were dealing mainly with them. In Czechoslovakia they were preparing a federation. The result was a split. They did not feel like working. In Hungary they were wondering whom to protect themselves from first of all. Their own or the 'Polish', 'Russian', 'Georgian', 'Albanian' and whatever criminal groups we can think out of. At that period both countries used to exchange strikes with compromises and dossiers.
The first serious attempt to work under the conditions of international cooperation was the mission of a team from the Central Office for Combat with Organized Crime (COCOC), where the regular exchange of information 'in real time' was ensured. Some tens of Bulgarians and foreigners were detained after some months of activity and their criminal activity was documented by all possible means. The participants in the subsequent working meeting in Sofia were quite optimistic after this mission. The director of the foreign national investigation service was satisfied and did not spare his compliments: 'Forget your people for at least 8 -10 years. They will feel the seriousness of our law'. But our and their juristic authorities had become too independent or uncommitted. They started a long correspondence of no practical value which gave a lot of reassurance to the detained and they recovered. They even undertook counter measures and by means of unknown ways their 'assistants' got involved jointly. Dossiers were found too! Two family members of top position employees of our foreign partners had close relatives who on their part used to work in Soviet agencies. Even documents were found from this period for obtained awards (is anyone working for something else) and 'declarations for cooperation', not more or less with Comitet Gosudarstvennoi Bezopasnosti (CGB).
As you can guess the outcome, soon afterwards a special aircraft brought to Bulgaria these several tens of strapping young men, weather-beaten by glory and with international experience and contacts acquired. Materials of the necessary type and quantity, concerning their 'representative' function across the border, did not follow. 'The Lizard' was growing and expanded to new geographic territories. It was not only Bulgarian any more.
After a short detention while awaiting trial, just to invigorate the glory of fame, mythologisation going on in parallel, they were let free, because of the lack of evidence, of course. This happened in 1992/1993.
Some of them turned into well dressed businessmen, who had not been out of the first pages of the printed and electronic media. They stand as heads of mighty 'forceful' structures, which have turned into financial ones, they stand as heads of sport clubs and federations, they publish luxurious issues, they graduate from universities and defend PhDs, they organize charity events, they finance the treatment of hopelessly ill, they clean the streets, open and close financial institutions, guard, investigate, return what is stolen, give a hearing to. Is this already politics? Today, on their behalf, and tomorrow may be in person, they will participate in congresses, sitting comfortably in the arm-chairs in the first rows in their expensive suits, they will vote for laws, they will put signatures under decisions and regulations.
Some speak of a secret, 'clandestine society', existing, strongly present and dominating at the same time with the other, the evident society. Also in our country. Moreover, so much dominating that it does not provide a possibility to the other one to express itself, to show that it exists.
Has all this been done only by these guys with otherwise great ambitions and pretensions, but of small personal abilities. Let us not forget how the spirit was let free out of the bottle. The series of legislative 'initiatives' as if in the direction of a necessary democratisation of the post totalitarian society. Do not forget that afterwards the Yugo embargo came, as if having been prepared for a long time and diligently. A long time before that we were forced to put down the border equipments as a criteria for democracy and openness. After that we were blamed of not being able to protect 'the green border' and as if we control the contraband and the breaches of the enforced embargo in relation to Yugoslavia.
The double standard was felt in relation to other states of the region. If the oil products, intended according to documents for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYRM), were poured out there, now there should have been a sea, and not a territory. The bloody battles in the region of Preshevo, Medvezha and Buyanovats were led for control of the most suitable place for transfer of the contraband convoys, and not for political or territorial pretensions. It has been known for years that D. Chuturkov, for a long period director of Mactabak', not only stands as head of the cigarette contraband, but also has strong political influence and contacts in the whole region. No significant cadre changes take place in the Macedonian or other ministerial cabinet without his approval. Other cigarettes were produced secretly or were transferred through the territory of part of Yugoslavia, where outer factors, covering economic interests under political will, have been supporting a newly fledged young politician.
In a strange way the processes in Albania were similar. And of course our, Bulgarian guys were also present there.
A little later afterwards 'the pyramids' blazed up and then broke down. Everything about them was clear from the very beginning and they were not any novelty. This had already been happening in the past. It was amazing that one lady, standing for a long time on the top of such a 'pyramid', had disappeared without problem and flying over the ocean she found herself in the USA. The insignificant detail is that a lot of naïve people lost with her any hope to ever have back their ... around 14 million US dollars.
The attempts for investigation of the activities of the lady concerned and finding out her address in the USA have met a unique wall of apathy and bureaucratic irresponsibility: 'There are several cities in the USA of the same name. Provide more the details. Send more concrete data." The fact that while she was piling up the millions, the said lady was maintaining an impressive circle of contacts with outstanding figures - members of Parliament, politicians, businessmen, sportsmen, ministers, etc. should not be neglected.
Of course there are also a lot of names of people whom the very successful minister Bogomil Bonev was inviting for a cup of coffee at his Cabinet, during the time of Emanuil Yordanov they were 'people with funny names', and now they are 'well dressed businessmen'. And it is even stranger that a large part of the estates, controlled by this lady or her colleagues from other pyramid structures, now in some strange way are owned by these people.
After a many-day vigil has led to rout over one of the buildings in the centre of Sofia and no one of the fire raisers and vandals were assumed responsible in 1989, what happened in 1997 was considered as normal. In a said to be democratically elected parliament the Bulgarian peoples' representatives were ready to kill each other. And their propaganda groups, warmed up by strange methods and at strange places, were showing with the assistance of 'the independent' media how power was overtaken.
A four year period of prospering of all possible kinds of criminal business followed. Oil, alcohol broached and bottled, cigarettes, market goods from China, Dubai and Turkey - everything had its price. And there was no profit for the state. Public secret were the names of intermediary, executors and smugglers, of customs officers and representatives of all possible authorities, who were put to work in the harmonious system with one single aim. To finance the power.
Some, creating the ideas of this funding, have guaranteed their official and personal prosperity, some have been awarded with general's epaulets. Others thought they were unchangeable and fell down from the ministerial armchairs. They were so confident that they put themselves higher than the First one. Third tried to turn themselves into heroes by publishing the reports against each other to the authorities. The fourth ones, who were most confident in themselves, had already 'joined the angels'. And again in this conglomeration of players and interests one can find the faces and names or the nicknames of 'the well dressed businessmen'.
In a more recent time and under the new morality conditions some decide that there time has come. As the public rumour claims, which has never made a mistake so far, they have started a seriously work in order to conquer new territories. They say that there were generals and others of lower rank, MPs, ministers and any other who happened to be suitable. And, of course, 'well dressed businessmen'.
Otherwise, as well as in the near past, cascades of intentions, proposals, projects, programs, strategies are being acted and discussed just for the people. Who is writing those for them? It is far more important to find someone to believe them.
176 189 crimes were registered in 1991. In 1994 the level is already 241 732. The figures themselves are not so important. And they cannot be. There are doubts that even at that rate they are decreased a lot. Let us not forget that every government comes and goes with the commitment 'to do away with crime and corruption'. And when one has promised, one has to fulfill it. The end justifies the means, doesn't it?
Otherwise, the state systematically and according to a plan used to give them from its perimeter.
Ministers from the Ministry of Interior and their deputies used to sign new proposals for changes, orders for dismissals. Deputies used to adopt laws one after another without reading and understanding them. Or the one because of the other.
Instead of institutional militia, in front of cabinets of different dimensions, there stood embarrassed boys with thick necks with draft-projects of security contracts, stepping from one foot to the other. The next step was a contract for joint activity. This opened the door of the cabinet of the new fledged alert bankers who were in a hurry to offer and provide credits. Bankers, who in some strange way were divided into two, three or more parts. Less was better. No one wished to speak of returning them. Ever.
Regardless of that for a certain period the pages of the newspapers were full of lists. They were followed by court disputes; trustees in bankruptcy. Someone had his job done. There were almost no traces left.
A new powerful impact followed. The security activity tied a marriage knot with the insurance one. Stickers were blooming everywhere in the Country of the Roses. Three or more threatening signs - 'Security executed by…'
And thus from the newspaper and cigarette kiosk in the residential area to supermarkets and hotels, to campings and beeches. Besides, as if everything is legal. The people have their contract according to which both sides have their obligations. It is only that the obligations concern one of the parties. This who produces, sells, offers. Thus a joke appeared - the groupings have a balance book with two columns - 'received' and 'he was given'. Then the stickers started to appear also on the cars. If you do not have a sticker you do not have a car. It was like that for a while. Afterwards even having a sticker, your car disappears, it even disappears several times and you pay of course because it is searched and it is found. Thus the border line is washed away. Between good and bad, between legal and illegal, between permitted and not permitted.
And as far as accountancy is concerned, people were trying to understand if when their car is gone, it was an illegal deprivation because 'the unknown perpetrator' has taken it just to drive it a little, if afterwards he has not decided to sell it in parts to some of the numerous tinsmiths, who make their living on this or if the vehicle was looking more luxury, it has got into the hands of the real auto hagglers and it was already on its way to another country where someone else had greater need of it.
Crime is investigated according to the location it has been done. It is registered following this formula. So the whole work should be done by the territorial section of the Ministry of Interior.
What are then the National Services doing?
Isn't it that they also have to deal with crime. These are National Police Service Department, Department of the National Gendarmerie Service, Department of the National Service for Combat with Organized Crime, and the Department of the National Border Service. Four police services, whose personnel works only when they want to. And their basic purpose is to collect the laurels and awards, and when they are so kind to look downwards - to find faults.
From stealing clothes from the balcony to the assassination or the burglary - all this is piled up as a report in the district departments. Regardless of that often on the scene of a crime appear general's epaulets.
Now, if a perpetrator is discovered by chance, the fame and the awards are distributed. By tradition - brotherly. And the elder brothers are more.
And the other traditions mentioned above are not there at all.
Who is to watch the contingency in its every day life, even its behaviour every hour. Not even in one of the mentioned services there are centralized cases for operative developments. Group or individual ones. Then it will be clear is there SIK, VIS, APOLO, who is in their leading and executive structures. What kind of business they were running, developing or develop, do they pay taxes. Where they eat together and how many of them, how they rest abroad and with whom. Stop. Does anyone however want this, after it is so dangerous? Where there is a scandal, well dressed businessman or a businesswoman, a politician, a minister and other similar candidates stand there shoulder to shoulder at least for one of these definitions.
May be that is why all parties together started to produce YPIs. It can be suggested that after living and studying a little time outside the country, they have acquired other values. They are not affected by the temptations of a Bulgarian. Alas, our experience recently shows already something else. Let us correct ourselves, till we have time for this.
Those who stay in Bulgaria are at least known to us and we easily find their connections. And those who go abroad, come easily and they are again ready to depart, we do not know who and how raised them, trained them and won over. And here, do not blame me that I suffer from spy mania. I am not speaking of winning over by foreign services, but by criminal and other structures. You do not think that they do not have 'well dressed businessmen' abroad, don't you? Because we are already sacrificed in the process of the new revolution - the globalisation, we shall feel it soon. Completely.
We have decided to become part of the Euro-Atlantic structures. At any price. Let us join the global economy. It is not very clear here now and when we shall fulfill this attachment. We all stand up for democracy. And we are ready to pay the price, but do we know what it is and how to come to the payment. Let us not forget what Thomas Friedman says in his book: 'A paradox of globalisation is that in certain days the herb rushes into the city as the Lonely Ranger with shooting guns, insisting for legal order, and next day runs outside the city as King Kong, trampling everybody on its way'.
And if we speak of globalisation, let us not forget that as a complex phenomenon it includes in itself also crime.
In 1991 in the USA 1 4872 883 crimes were registered. This was 2.7 % more compared to the previous year and represents 5820 crimes per every 100 000 people. Compared, in Bulgaria for this period 2042 crimes fall per 100 000 people.
Canada is not spared either by the criminal wave - in 1991 5820 crimes were registered per every 100 000 people of the population. A peak of crime was observed in Hungary in 1998 when 5939 crimes were registered per 100 000 people, in the Czech Republic in 1999 - 4149 crimes per 100 000 people, in Poland in 1999 - 2001 crimes, and etc.
In 1997 in Bulgaria, for instance, an average of 2898 crimes per 100 000 people were registered and we were on the third place according to the number of the crimes perpetrated in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe after Hungary and the Czech Republic.
What is to be done? Globalisation. At this stage we can not forecast how long this process will continue and how it will end. Attempts to enforce a global model are several empires that have gone to the past. The last attempt for enforcing of a hegemony model is this of Hitler.
It is more important to know and report that the countries in transition, such as we are, do not have resources and possibilities available to adopt long term efficient strategies to counteract crime. And this on condition that there is no identified and guaranteed will by the leading political forces to achieve unity and efficiency in this combat. Under these conditions the executive power is overwhelmed with tasks and expectations, which it can never fulfill alone, the executive power is unduly slow and demotivated, its arena often turned into such for a theatrical political battles of inadequate and unreal purpose. It is often when this two powers with the help and the means of the mass media involve the judicial power into a unique as to its characteristic battle, out of which, it is only crime that takes advantage.
The dangers in these processes:
1. Nobody trusted the intentions and the possibilities of the so called political and governing elite. The legislative initiatives till now do not solve the problems. The top crusts of the criminal elites have identified themselves and their capitals. They are successful in enforcing 'their own rules'. Then the investments or 'the herd' pass by, without being interested in us and without asking do we have any order or not, is it democratic and to how far. Then the expected as a decision membership in NATO or the EU is not justified and does not take us to the necessary equal position for Bulgaria.
2. The outside factors are not interested to what degree the representatives of the organized crime master the economy and to how far they exert influence on policy by means of these levers. 'The herd' rushes on and enforces its new rules, in conformity with its own interests. The complexity comes from the fact that the rules are easy to enforce from above, but they affect the lower strata of society in a less degree and with more difficulty.
3. In their strife to maintain and expand its perimeter the organized crime starts to seek a solution to prevent the 'herd' arrival.
These solutions can be different and of many options. For instance:
- setting up of parallel structures of the power aiming at building up an attitude of tolerance;
- use of the ethnic regional factors and conflict for a lasting influence;
- a strong persistence of the process of overtaking the political parties.
What kind of measures are to be undertaken?
1. Achieving willingness for a full political consensus on the measures to counteract crime.
2. Working out of a professionally motivated and understandable by the society program for normative, structural and other changes in the system of the state, aiming at increasing their efficiency within this environment and observing their strict implementation.
3. Political popularisation and coordination of this program, from an international point of view inclusive.
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